114. All of this shows the urgent need for us to move forward in a bold cultural revolution. Science and technology are not neutral; from the beginning to the end of a process, various intentions and possibilities are in play and can take on distinct shapes. Nobody is suggesting a return to the Stone Age, but we do need to slow down and look at reality in a different way, to appropriate the positive and sustainable progress which has been made, but also to recover the values and the great goals swept away by our unrestrained delusions of grandeur.
126. We can also look to the great tradition of monasticism. Originally, it was a kind of flight from the world, an escape from the decadence of the cities. The monks sought the desert, convinced that it was the best place for encountering the presence of God. Later, Saint Benedict of Norcia proposed that his monks live in community, combining prayer and spiritual reading with manual labour (ora et labora). Seeing manual labour as spiritually meaningful proved revolutionary. Personal growth and sanctification came to be sought in the interplay of recollection and work. This way of experiencing work makes us more protective and respectful of the environment; it imbues our relationship to the world with a healthy sobriety.
In the decade since Brown made her analysis, the topics, range and methods of left analysis have further expanded and reoriented crucial aspects of critical thought. Widespread criticisms of America's post-9/11 politics reinvigorated leftist critical and political theory and remobilized its sustained commitment to social transformation. Influential authors in American academic circles, such as Giorgio Agamben, have written trenchant political critiques of contemporary domination that did not privilege only class or capital in diagnosing experiences of unfreedom. Others, such as Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, have used multidisciplinary analyses to delineate complex formations of power and energize revolutionary sentiment. Do these changes demonstrate that melancholy has loosened its hold on leftist intellectual scrutiny? The answer to this question, I offer, is no. The attachments animating left melancholy are still present in particular modes of left theoretical work, though they have been reinscribed in new form.
The lost object, in current left melancholy, is a paradigmatic text that has been weighted with representing the set of losses articulated above. It is a text that provoked the promise and the dream of radical social transformation, that augured revolution, indeed that founded left praxis, all of which can now seem lost, failed and out of reach. Most important, this text galvanized millions of people, and its widespread appeal, explosive moral power and emancipatory guarantee engendered a century or more of transnational solidarity toward the project of human freedom.
Yet in addition to melodrama's better-known leftist theatrical and film affiliations, I contend that melodrama also contributes to the political inquiry that structures the Manifesto of the Communist Party. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels can be considered melodramatists in penning their challenge for collective emancipation. Reading the Manifesto as melodrama shows how the text illuminates class oppression by molding historical relations into stark binaries, detailing the unjust suffering of the proletariat, promising the triumph of heroism, highlighting the moral righteousness of the oppressed and employing all of these tropes with the aim to affectively motivate its reader into revolutionary action.
It is important to note that the Manifesto's melodrama operates differently from contemporary left melodrama in two ways. First, the sufferers in the Manifesto's melodramatic story are not free of responsibility for creating or overcoming injustice. The agency of heroic emancipation is in a complex relationship to teleology: revolution is forthcoming but requires the action of the workers and the communist party. The overcoming of capital is both inevitable and yet must be nourished by collective political action. Both the weapons that will destroy capitalism, and the people who wield them, are called into being by capitalist forces. While the final source of emancipation is not fully worked out in the Manifesto, or perhaps it is more accurate to say that the process of emancipation is purposely ambiguous and multifaceted, it still relies in part upon the agency of the dispossessed and the communist party. After all, the bourgeoisie does not provide its own grave, but instead its own grave-diggers.
Second, the analysis in the Manifesto, unlike left melodrama, is not motivated by loss. Marx and Engels uproot melodrama's conventional backward-looking inspiration and forcibly turn its focus forward, to an unknown and unknowable future. The frustration and excitement of the text, indeed its necessity, is that it intentionally does not flesh out what a non-bourgeois, communist, post-revolutionary future will look like. For Marx and Engels, any description of the future would inevitably be colored by the framework of the present, and thus would diminish the possibility of motivating truly radical change. In not charting the future, therefore, they choose not to limit its transformative possibilities. This is not to say that Marx and Engels understand the future to have limitless possibility, but that they make a strategic effort not to offer a systematic vision of the post-revolutionary future. Gledhill suggests that most melodramas are motivated by a normative vision of the past that often serves to structure and limit future visions. Marx and Engels, by contrast, refuse to posit an ideal past that can be recaptured. They interpret history through cycles of violence that staunch nostalgia for any past epoch. Instead, the Manifesto only gestures to the eventual dissolution of economic inequality, and allows the vision of the future to be open-ended, unconstrained by the limitations of the present.
Our dataset includes only transactions representing purchases of NFTs, whose ownership change following that transaction. We exclude from our analysis any transactions representing the minting of NFTs or bids during an auction. We track different cryptocurrencies. Etherum blockchain data for the collections SuperRare, Makersplace, Knownorigin, Cryptopunks, and Asyncart were shared by NonFungible Corporation24, a company that tracks historical NFT sales data to build NFT valuations. Other Ethereum blockchain data were downloaded from four open-source APIs: CryptoKitties sales40, Gods-Unchained41, Decentraland42, and OpenSea43. With OpenSea that allows trading in multiple cryptocurrencies. We also monitored the WAX blockchain, through tracking transactions in the Atomic API44.
Bloomberg Businessweek reported in July 2014 that Google's Android mobile apps have dominated the largest share of global smartphone shipments for 2013, with 78.6% of market share over their next closest competitor in iOS with 15.2% of the market. At the time of the appointment of new Wikimedia Foundation executive Lila Tretikov, Wikimedia representatives made a technical announcement concerning the number of mobile access systems in the market seeking access to Wikipedia. Soon after, the representatives stated that Wikimedia would be applying an all-inclusive approach to accommodate as many mobile access systems as possible in its efforts for expanding general mobile access, including BlackBerry and the Windows Phone system, making market share a secondary issue. The Android app for Wikipedia was released on July 23, 2014, to over 500,000 installs and generally positive reviews, scoring over four of a possible five in a poll of approximately 200,000 users downloading from Google. The version for iOS was released on April 3, 2013, to similar reviews. 2b1af7f3a8